Delhi is one of the greatest cities of antiquity. It was first called Indrapat* and is situated in long.* 114° 38′., lat. 28° 15′. Although some consider it as in the second climate, making the southern mountainous system begin from this region they are certainly mistaken as the latitude shows. Sultáns Kuṭbu‘ddín (1,206-10), and Shamṣu‘ddín (Altmish, 1210-35) resided in the citadel of Rajah Pithúra (Prithwi). Sulṭan Ghíyásúddín Balban erected another fort, intending it as a (royal) cemetery. He also built a handsome edifice in which if any criminal took sanctuary, he was absolved from retribution. Muizz ú‘d dín Kai Kubád (1286-9) founded another city on the banks of the Jumna called Kélúkhari. Amír Khusrau in his poem the “Ḳiránu‘s Sạdain*” eulogises this city and its palace. It is now the last resting-place of Humáyún where a new and splendid monument has been erected. Sulṭan Alá u‘d din (1295–1316) founded another city and fort called Síri. Tughlakábád is a memorial of Tughlaḳ Sháh (1321–24). His son Muḥammad (1324–51) founded another city and raised a lofty pile with a thousand columns of marble and constructed other noble edifices. Sulṭán Firóz (1351–88) gave his own name to a large town* which he founded and by a cutting from the Jumna brought its waters to flow by. He likewise built another palace at a distance of 3 kós from Fíṛózábád, named Jahánnumá (the world-view). Three subterranean passages were made wide enough to admit of his passing along in mounted procession with the ladies of his harem; that towards the river, 5 jaribs in length; the second towards the Jahánnumá, 2 kós, and the third to old Delhi, 3 kós. Humáyún restored the citadel of Indrapat and named it Dínpanáh (asylum of the faith). Shér Khán destroyed the Delhi of Alá u‘d dín and built a separate town. Although the monuments of these cities are themselves eloquent and teach us the highest moral lessons, yet even is this latest Delhi now for the most part in ruins. The cemeteries are, however, populous. Khwájah Kuṭb u‘d dín U´shi lies here, and Shaikh Nizám u‘d din Aulía, and Shaikh Naṣír u‘d din Maḥmúd, the Lamp of Delhi, and Malik Yár-i-Pírán, and Shaikh Ṣaláḥ, and Malik Kabír-i-Aulia, and Maulaná Muḥammad, and Háji Abdu‘l Wahháb and Shaikh Abdu‘llah Ḳuraishi, and Shaikh Shams Tark-i-Biyábáni, and Shaikh Shamsi-Autád and Amír Khusrau* with many other servants of God instructed in Divine knowledge who in this spot repose in their last sleep. Here too lie Sulṭán Shaháb u‘d dín Ghóri, and Sulṭán Shams u‘d dín, and Náṣir u‘d dín Gházi, and Ghiyás ú‘d dín, and Alá u‘d díṇ and Kuṭb u‘d dín, and Tughluḳ, and Muḥammad Aádil, and Firoz and Bahlól, and Sikandar Lodi. Many now living, likewise, have laid out pleasant spots and groves for their final resting-place—to the introspective a source of blissful ecstasy, to the wise an incentive to watchfulness.
Thanésar is accounted one of the most sacred places of pilgrimage. The Saraswati flows near it for which the Hindus have great veneration. Near it is a lake called Kurukshetra,* which pilgrims from distant parts come to visit and where they bathe, and bestow charitable offerings. This was the scene of the war of the Mahábhárat which took place in the latter end of the Dwápar Yug.
In the city of Hastínapúr reigned Rájá Bharata who by his justice and consideration for his people gathered a fitting reward of happiness, and his virtues and good deeds confirmed for a long period the succession in his family, and fortune favoured son after son. The eighth in lineal descent from him was Rájá Kur from whom Kuru-Kshetra received its appellation. After six intermediate progenitors, an heir was born named Vichitravirya,* who had two sons, one of whom was Dhritaráshtra. He was the father of 101 children, the eldest of whom was Rájá Duryodhana, and they are called the Kauravas. The other was Pandu. Although the first mentioned was the elder son yet on account of his blindness, the succession fell to his brother who obtained the sovereignty. His sons are called the Pándavas. There were five, namely, Yudishtira, Bhímsena, Arjuna, Nakula and Sahadeva. On Pandu‘s death the kingdom reverted to Dhritarashtra, but although the nominal sovereignty was his, the real power was possessed by Duryodhana. Since to crush their enemies is the way of the princes of the earth, Duryodhana was ever in fear of the Pandavas and sought their destruction. When Dhritaráshtra observed the growing feud, he resolved to establish his nephews in the city of Váranávatra, and sent skilled artisans with instructions to build their residences. The workmen at the instigation of Duryodhana constructed a secret chamber of lac and pitch, in order that at a fitting opportunity the Pandavas might be destroyed in a flaming conflagration. But whom the Lord defends by his protection, what avails against him the striving of the impotent? When the Pandavas accepting their exile, settled in this spot, they became aware of the design. By chance a woman with five sons dwelt hard by. The Pandavas set the house on fire and set out for the wilds with their mother, while their neighbours were consumed in the flames.
Duryodhana believing that the Pandavas were destroyed, held a festival of rejoicing. The Pandavas after many adventures came forth from the wilds to the inhabited country and settled in the city of Rampilá. In a short time, the fame of their valour, skill and open-handed munificence filled the world, but none knew their name or lineage, till Duryodhana himself awaking from his dream of security suspected that the burning of the Pandavas was a fable. After prosecuting inquiries, his suspicions were confirmed, upon which he had recourse to entreaty, and recalled them with protestations of friendship, hoping thus to secure his aim. He bestowed Delhi (Indraprastha) upon them with half his kingdom and retained Hastínapúr with the other half. Yudishthira by his prudence and good fortune aided by the divine favour rose to greatness and his administration advanced his power. The Kauravas flocked to his service, and in a short space he acquired universal sway. The other brothers likewise reduced many princes to their obedience. Duryodhana was beside himself at the sight of their sovereign splendour, and the pangs of envy drove him more distraught. With deceptive intent, he held a festival and invited the Pándavas and proposed a game of chaupar, playing himself, with cogged dice. By this means he won all they possessed. The last stake was made on the condition that if the Pandavas won, they should recover all that they had lost, but if otherwise, they were to quit the royal dominions and wander in the wilds for twelve years in the garb of mendicants after which they might return to civilised life for a year, and so conduct themselves that none should know them. If this last particular were infringed, they would have to pass a similar period of twelve years in the forests. Unsuspecting foul play, their uprightness brought them to ruin. Elated by the success of his device, Duryodhana was lulled into the slumber of a false security while the Pandavas under the divine direction accomplished their part of the agreement. Duryodhana now began to treat them with severity. Much altercation followed till the Pandavas consented to accept five villages if peacefully surrendered to them. Duryodhana in his pride refused and rose in arms. The scene of the conflict was in the vicinity of Kuru-kshetra. But as the end of the fraudful is disaster, Duryodhana, and his companions were totally destroyed and Yudishthira was victorious after eighteen days of successive engagements.
Towards the close of the Dwápur Yug, 135 years before the beginning of the Kali Yug, and 4,831 years anterior to this the 40th of the Divine Era,* this event rose into fame and was left to posterity as a record of portentous warning.
It is said that in this mighty war, the army of the Kauravas consisted of 11 achhauhini, and that of the Pandavas of 7. An achhauhini consists of 21,870 men mounted on elephants, the same number in chariots, and 65,610* cavalry; and 109,350 infantry. Marvellous to relate but 113 individuals of both armies survived this war. Four of the army of Duryodhana, escaping with their lives took refuge with Yudhishtira, viz., Kripácháraya Bràhman who had been preceptor to both families and was renowned for wisdom and valour; Ashwatthámáṇ who was celebrated for the same qualities; Kritvarmáṇ Yadu, a brave champion; and Saniaya who, together with his reputation for wisdom, acquired renown as the charioteer of Dhritaráshtra. On the side of the Pandavas, eight survived,* viz., the 5 brothers; Satyaki Yadu famous for his bravery and sagacity; Yuyutsa brother of Duryodhana by another mother, and Krishna. After this Yudishtira reigned supreme for 36 years, and his happy destiny and virtuous disposition discovering to him the vanity of mundane things, he sought retirement and resolutely forsook a world that oppresses the weak. Together with his brethren he chose the path of renunciation and played the last stake of his life.
This great war has been related in the Mahábhárata with numerous episodes in a hundred thousand couplets, and has been translated into Persian by command of His Majesty uuder the title of Razmnámah (History of the War). It is set forth in eighteen Parbh or books. The first part is an account of the Kauravas and Pandavas and a list of contents. The second; Yudishtira sends his brethren to conquest—his supreme monarchy —the gambling feast held by the Kauravas, &c. Third, the departure of the Pandavas into the solitude of their exile and other events. Fourth, the coming of the Pandavas from the wilds to the city of Viráta and remaining unknown. Fifth, the Pandavas discover themselves; the mediation of Krishna and his rejection; the gathering at Kuru-kshetra and disposition of the armies. Sixth, the opening of the combat, the wounding of Bhíshma, the slaughter of many of the sons of Dhritaráshtra, and the events of the ten days’ engagement. Seventh, the council of war held by Duryodhana; the appointment of Drona* to the general command, his death and other events during five days. Eighth, description of the two days’ battle; Duryodhana names Karna to the command, his exploits—the flight of Yudishtira before him—the death of Karna at the hand of Arjuna on the second day. Ninth, Shalya is appointed general on account of his heroism—his death—Duryodhana conceals himself in a tank—his end and that of many champions. Tenth, the conclusion of the war, the coming of Kritvarmáṇ, Ashwatthámáṇ, and Kripacháraya to Duryodhana on the field of battle while still breathing and his advice of a night attack &c. Eleventh, the lamentations of the women on both sides—Gándhári mother of Duryodhana curses Krishna. Twelfth, account of Yudishtira after the victory—his desire to resign his kingdom. Byás and Krishna comfort him by their counsel. Bhíshma delivers many admirable and instructive maxims setting forth the duties of sovereign administration. Thirteenth, the advice tendered by Bhíshma. In my judgment, the 12th and 13th books should be comprised in one as they both contain the counsels of Bhíshma, and the 9th divided into two, the one dealing with the episode of Shalya and the other with the death of Yudishtira. Fourteenth, the great horse-sacrifice (ashwa-medh). Fifteenth, the retirement to a hermitage of Dhritrarástra, Gándhári, and Kunti mother of Yudishtira. Sixteenth, the destruction of the Yadu tribe. Seventeenth, Rája Yudishtira retires with his brethren who all perish in a snow-drift. Eighteenth, Yudishtira in his own body mounts to the upper world; the dissolution of the mortal remains of his brethren. The conclusion called Harbans, contains the history of the Yadus.
In this work, although there are numerous extravagant tales and fictions of the imagination, yet it affords many instructive moral observations, and is an ample record of felicitous experience.
Twenty princes reigned 437 years 1 month 28 days.*
| Ys. | M. | D. | |
| Anangpál, Toṇwar (Tuar or Tenore of U. T.) | 18 | 0 | 0 |
| Básdeva | 19 | 1 | 18 |
| Ghangnu (var. Khanku, Khankór, Kankeo, Kanakpál Gangu. | 21 | 3 | 28 |
| Pirthímal (var. Pirthipál) | 19 | 6 | 19 |
| Jaideva | 20 | 7 | 28 |
| Nirpál (var. Hirpál) | 14 | 4 | 9 |
| Adrah, (var. Andiraj and 26-8-15) | 26 | 7 | 11 |
| Bichhráj | 21 | 2 | 13 |
| Bík, (Anekpál, Anakpál) | 22 | 3 | 16 |
| Raghupál | 21 | 6 | 5 |
| Nekpál (Rekhpál) | 20 | 4 | 4 |
| Gopál | 18 | 3 | 15 |
| Sulakhan | 25 | 2 | 2 |
| Jaipál | 16 | 4 | 13 |
| Kaṇwarpál | 29 | 9 | 11 |
| Anekpál | 29 | 6 | 18 |
| Bijaipál, (var. Tajpál) | 24 | 1 | 6 |
| Mahípál (var. Muhetsál) | 25 | 2 | 13 |
| Aknépál | 21 | 2 | 15 |
| Pirthíraj | 22 | 3 | 16 |
II.
Seven princes reigned 95*
years and 7 months.
| Ys. | M. | D. | |
| Bíldeva (Baldeva) Chauhán | 6 | 1 | 4 |
| Amr Gangú | 5 | 2 | 5 |
| Khirpál | 20 | 1 | 5 |
| Súmér | 7 | 4 | 2 |
| Jáhir | 4 | 4 | 8 |
| Nágdeva | 3 | 1 | 5 |
| Pithaura (Prithwi Ráe) | 49 | 5 | 1 |
III.
Eleven princes of the Ghori dynasty reigned 96 years 6 months and 20* days.
| A. H. | A. D. | ||||
| 588 | 1192 | Sulṭán Mụizzu’ddin* Muḥammad Sám Ghori | 14 | 0 | 0 |
| 602 | 1206 | ” Ḳubu’ddín Eibak | 4 | 0 | 0 |
| 607 | 1210 | ” Arám Sháh, his son | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| 607 | 1210 | ” Shamsu’ddín Altmish | 26 | 0 | 0 |
| 633 | 1235 | ” Ruknu’ddín Firóz Sháh, his son | 0 | 6 | 28 |
| 634 | 1236 | ” Razíah, his sister, | 3 | 6 | 6 |
| 637 | 1239 | ” Muizzu’ddín Bahrám Sháh, his brother | 2 | 1 | 15 |
| 640 | 1242 | ” Aláu’ddín Masạúd Sháh, his nephew | 4 | 1 | 1 |
| 643 | 1245 | ” Náṣiru’ddín Maḥmúd Sháh, his uncle | 19 | 3 | 0 |
| 664 | 1265 | ” Ghiyáṣu’ddín Balban | 20 | and some months. | |
| 685 | 1286 | ” Muizzu’ddín Kaikubád, his grandson | 3 | Do. |
IV.
Thirteen princes of the Khilji dynasty reigned 129 years 10 months and 19 days.
| 688 | 1289 | Sulṭan Jalálu’ddín Khilji | 7, | — some months | |
| 695 | 1295 | Sulṭán Aláu’ddín Khilji his nephew | 20, | some months. | |
| 716 | 1316 | ” Shahábu’ddín Omar, his son | 0 | 3 | some days. |
| 717 | 1317 | ” Ḳuṭbu’ddín Mubárak Sháh, his elder brother | 14* | 4 | 0 |
| 721 | 1321 | ” Náṣiru’ddín Khusrau Khán, | 0 | 6 | 0 |
| 721 | 1321 | ” Ghiyáṣu’ddín Tughlaḳ Sháh, | 4, | some months. | |
| 725 | 1324 | ” Muḥammad, his son, | 27 | 0 | 0 |
| 752 | 1351 | ” Firóz Sháh, son of his paternal uncle, | 38 | some months. | |
| 790 | 1388 | ” Tughlaḳ Sháh, his grandson, | 0 | 5 | 3* |
| 791 | 1389 | ” Abu Bakr Sháh, son of his paternal uncle, | 1 | 6 | 0 |
| 793 | 1391 | ” Muḥammad Sháh, his paternal uncle, | 6* | 7 | 0 |
| 796 | 1393 | ” Ala’uddín Sikandar, his son, | 0 | 1 | 11 |
| 796 | 1393 | ” Maḥmúd, his brother, | 20 | 2 | 0 |
V.
| 817 | 1414 | Khizr Khán* of the Sayyid Dynasty, | 7 | 2 | 2 |
| 824 | 1421 | Mubárak Sháh, ” | 13 | 3 | 16 |
| 837 | 1433 | Muḥammad Sháh, ” | 10, | some months. | |
| 850 | 1446 | Sulṭán Aláu’ddín Aálam Sháh, | 7 | do. | |
| 854 | 1450 | ” Behlól Lodi, | 38 | 8 | 8 |
| 894 | 1488 | ” Sikandar, his son, | 28 | 5 | 0 |
| 923 | 1517 | ” Ibrahím, his son, | 7, | some months. | |
| ” Báber, | 5 | 0 | 0 | ||
| ” Humayún, | 9 | 8 | 1 | ||
| 947 | 1540 | ” Shér Khán Súr, | 5 | 0 | 0 |
| 952 | 1545 | ” Salím Khán, his son, | 8 | and odd. | |
| 960 | 1552 | Sulṭán Múbáriz Khán Adali. | |||
| 961 | 1553 | ” Ibrahím, | some months. | ||
| 962 | 1554 | ” Sikandar, | ditto. | ||
| ” Humáyún, | 1 | 3 | 0 |
In the year 429 of the era of Bikramájít (A. D. 372) Anangpál* of the Toṇwar tribe reigned with justice and founded Delhi. In the year 848 of the same luni-solar era (A. D. 791) in the vicinity of that renowned city, a hotly contested battle was fought between Prithiráj Toṇwar and Bíldeva Chauhán, and the sovereignty was transferred to this latter tribe. During the reign of Rájá Pithaura (Prithwi Rájá) Sulṭán Mụizzu’ddín Sám made several incursions into Hindustán without any material success. The Hindu chronicles narrate that the Rájá engaged and defeated the Sulṭán* in seven pitched battles. In the year 588 A. H. (A. D. 1192,) an eighth engagement took place near Thánésar and the Rájá was taken prisoner. One hundred renowned champions (it is related) were among his special retainers. They were severally called Sámant* and their extraordinary exploits cannot be expressed in language nor reconciled to experience or reason. It is said that at this battle none of these champions was present, and that the Rájá kept to his palace in selfish indulgence, passing his time in unseemly pleasure, heedless of the administration of the state and of the welfare of his troops.
The story runs that Rájá Jaichand Raṭhór, who held the supremacy of Hindustán was at this time ruling at Kanauj, and the other Rájás to some extent acknowledged his authority and he himself was so liberal-minded that many natives of Irán and Turán were engaged in his service. He announced his intention of celebrating the great sacrifice symbolic of paramount supremacy and set about its preparations. One of its conditions is that all menial service should be performed by princes alone, and that even the duties of the royal scullery and the kindling of fires are directly a part of their office. He likewise promised to bestow his beautiful daughter on the bravest of the assembled chivalry. Rájá Pithaura had resolved to attend the festival, but a chance speech of some courtier that while the Chauhán sovereignty existed, the great sacrifice could not legitimately be performed by the Raṭhór chief, inflamed his ancestral pride and he held back. Rájá Jaichand proposed to lead an army against him, but his counsellors representing the duration of the war and the approach of the appointed assembly, dissuaded him from the enterprise. To carry out the integrity of the festival, a statue of Rájá Pithaura was made in gold and placed in the office of porter at the royal gates. Roused to indignation at this news, Rájá Pithaura set out in disguise accompanied by 500 picked warriors and suddenly appeared at the gathering and carrying off the image, he put a great number to the sword and hastily returned. The daughter of Jaichand, who was betrothed to another prince, hearing of this adventurous deed, fell in love with Pithaura and refused her suitor. Her father, wroth at her conduct, expelled her from her chamber in the palace and assigned her a separate dwelling. Pithaura, distracted at the news, returned with a determination to espouse her, and it was arranged that Chándá a bard, a rival in skill of Babylonian* minstrelsy, should proceed to the court of Jaichand on the pretence of chanting his praises, while the Rájá himself with a body of chosen followers should accompany him as attendants. Love transformed the intention into act, and by this ingenious device and the spell of valour, he carried off his heart’s desire, and after prodigies of bravery and heroism reached his own kingdom. The hundred Sámants (above mentioned) accompanied him under various disguises. One after the other they covered his retreat and defeated their pursuers. Gobind Ráe Gehlót made the first stand and bravely fighting, fell. Seven thousand of the enemy sank engulfed in death before him. Next Narsingh Deva, Chándá, Pundír, and Sárdhól* Solanki, and Pálhan Deva Kachhwáhah with his two brothers, during the first day’s action, after performing feats of astonishing heroism sold their lives dearly, and all these heroes perished in the retreat.
The Rájá, with the bard Chándá and two of his brothers, brought his bride to Delhi amid the admiration of a wondering world.
Unfortunately the prince was all engrossed by his affection for his beautiful wife and neglected all other affairs. After a year had thus passed, Sulṭán Shahábu’ddín by reason of the above events, formed an alliance with Rájá Jaichand, and assembling an army, invaded the country and captured many places. But no one dared even to represent, not to say, remedy this state of affairs. At last, the principal nobles meeting together, introduced Chándá through the seven gates of the palace, who entering the women’s apartments, by his representations somewhat disturbed the Rájá’s mind. But in the pride of his former victories, he marched to battle with but a small army. As his brave champions were now no more, his kingdom fallen from its ancient renown, and Jaichand his former ally, reversing his past policy, in league with the enemy, the Rájá in this contest was taken prisoner and carried by the Sulṭán to Ghazni. Chándá in his fidelity and loyalty hastened to Ghazni, entered the Sulṭán’s service and gained his favour. By his address, he discovered the Rájá and comforted him in his prison. He proposed that he should praise his dexterity with the bow to the Sulṭán who would desire to witness it, and that then he might use his opportunity. The proposal was carried out and the Rájá pierced the Sulṭán with an arrow. His retainers fell upon the Rájá and Chándá and cut them to pieces.
The Persian historians give a different account and state that the Rájá was killed in battle.
Fate discloses many such events from its treasure-house of wonders. But where—and blessed is he—who will take warning thereby and act on the lesson?
When the Chauhán dynasty fell, the choicest portion of Hindustán passed into the hands of Sulṭán Mụizzu’ddín Ghori. Leaving Malik Ḳuṭbu’ddín (Eibak) who was one of his slaves, at the village Guhrám,* he himself returned to Ghazni, laying waste the hilly country on his northern march. Ḳuṭbu’ddín in the same year possessed himself of Delhi and many other places and followed up his successes with remarkable ability. On the death of Mụizzu’ddín, Ghiyáṣu’ddín Maḥmúd son of Ghiyáṣu’ddín Muḥammad sent from Fírózkoh (his capital) the umbrella and insignia of royalty to Malik Ḳuṭbu’ddín. Ḳuṭbu’ddín was enthroned at Lahore and exalted his reputation by his justice, munificence and valour. He lost his life while playing at chaugán.*
The nobles raised his son Arám Sháh to the throne, but a strong faction set up Malik Altmish, who had been a purchased slave, and was the son-in-law and adopted heir of Ḳuṭbu’ddín. Arám Sháh was defeated and retired into obscurity, and Altmish assumed the title of Shamsu’ddín. It is said that his father was chief of some of the Turkish tribes. His brethren and cousins distracted by envy, sold, like Joseph, this nursling of intelligence, into slavery. Through the vicissitudes of fortune, he had various changes of masters until a merchant brought him to Ghazni. Sulṭán Mụizzu’ddín Sám proposed to purchase him, but his owner chaffered for his value and placed an exorbitant price on him. The Sulṭán enraged, forbade any one to purchase him. Ḳuṭbu’ddín on his return to Ghazni after the conquest of Gujarát, having obtained permission, bought him for a large sum and adopted him as a son. Khwájah Ḳuṭbu’ddín U´shi* was his contemporary and edified the world by his outward demeanour and the sanctity of his interior life. When Altmish died, his son (Ruknu’ddín Fíróz Sháh) succeeded him who regarded wealth as a means of self-indulgence and thought little of winning the affections of his people. He made over the control of affairs to his mother Sháh Turkán. The nobles withdrawing their allegiance raised Razíah the daughter of Sulṭán Shamsu’ddín to the throne. The Sulṭán himself had previously made her his heir. Some of his courtiers asked him the reason of his doing so while he had sons still living. He replied that his sons, addicted to drinking were unfitted for the dignity. During the reign of Mụizu’ddin Bahrám Sháh, the Mughal troops devastated Lahore. A disloyal faction imprisoned the king and put him to death. In the reign of Sulṭán Aláu’ddín Masạúd Sháh occurred an eruption of the Mughals into Bengal, entering by way of China or Tibet, but his troops defeated them. Another body advanced from Turkishtán to U´ch. The Sulṭán set out to engage them, but on reaching the banks of the Biáh, intelligence reached him that the enemy had retreated. He returned to Delhi and there affected the company of low and base flatterers and ended his days in prison.
Náṣiru’ddin Maḥmúd ruled with capacity and munificence. In his time also, the Mughals entered the Panjáb but retreated on hearing of his approach.
The “Tabaḳát i Náṣiri”* takes its name from him. He had many excellent qualities. Ghiyaṣu’ddín Balban who had been the slave and son-in-law of his father, he raised to the rank of chief minister and gave him the title of Ulugh* Khán. This minister filled his high office worthily and sought the divine favour in watchfulness over his people.
Náṣiru’ddín dying without children, the faithful minister was raised to the sovereignty. Clemency and solid gravity of character added fresh lustre to his dignity, and far from spending his precious hours in unworthy pursuits, he gladdened his kingdom by his appreciation of merit, his knowledge of men and his devotion to God. Those of ill repute and the wicked were banished into obscurity, and the good happily prospered under his encouragement. He conferred the government of the Panjáb on his eldest son Muḥammad, commonly known as Khán i Shahíd,* through whose valour and vigilance the province rested in security. Mír Khusrau and Mír Hasan were in his suite. He was returning from a visit to his father unprepared for hostilities, when he encountered some Mughal troops between Dípálpúr and Lahor and lost his life in the action. Mír Khusrau was taken prisoner but contrived to escape. The province of Bengal had been bestowed by Ghiyáṣu’ddín on his youngest son Bughra Khán.
On the death of Ghiyáṣu’ddín, the nobles despatched Kai Khusrau the son of Khán i Shahíd, who had been nominated heir, to (his father’s government of) Multán, and bestowed the title of Sulṭán Mụizzu’ddín Kaikubád on the son of Bughra Khán who thus acquired the sovereignty of Delhi. His father in Bengal, assuming the title of Náṣiru’ddín marched to Delhi whence Kaikubád advanced with a force to encounter him. The armies met on the banks of the Sarjú (Gogra) near the town of Ajodhya, and through the conspiracy of disloyal and evil counsellors, the father after the interview returned to Bengal and the supreme sovereignty rested with the son. It is strange that Amír Khusrau should have chosen such a subject as this interview for encomium in his poem the Kirán u‘s Sạdain. The fortunes of this thankless unfilial son through his insobriety fell into decay. A faction set up his son, under the title of Shamsu’ddín to remedy the disorder, and the body of the wretched Kaikubád was flung into the waters of the Jumna. Shamsu’ddín was set aside and the sovereignty, by assent of the ministers, conferred on the Khiljis.
Jalálu’ddín who was paymaster of the Imperial forces, ascended the throne and by his simplicity of character lent no favour to the designs of the factious. His nephew Malik Aláu’ddín who had been brought up under his care, went from Karrah to the Deccan and having amassed great booty was inflated by its possession and proved rebellious. The Sulṭán by the persuasion of intriguers advanced from Delhi to Karrah, where the traitor slew him and assumed the title of Sulṭán Aláu’ddín. Thus by a marvel of Fate did the empire devolve on this miscreant, yet he accomplished some excellent reforms. On several occasions he encountered and defeated the Mughals. Mír Khusrau dedicated to him his Khamsah* and the story of Dewal* Ráni to his son Khizr Khán. Unfortunately he abandoned his usual prudence and fell under the influence of a eunuch (Káfúr) on whom he conferred the conduct of the administration. Through the suggestions of that wretch, his three sons Khizr Khán, Shádi Khán and Mubárak Khán were imprisoned, and on his own death, by the same instrumentality the youngest son was raised to the throne under the title of Shahábu´ddín. He destroyed the sight of two of his brothers, but Mubárak Khán providentially escaped. A few days later the wretch (Káfúr) was himself assassinated and Mubárak Khán who was in prison became chief minister.
Subsequently he deposed his younger brother, and assumed the title of Sulṭán Ḳuṭbu’ddín. He reduced Gujarát and the Deccan. Through his incapacity and licentious disposition he chose a favourite of the lower orders named Hasan for the comeliness of his person, and bestowed on him the title of Khusrau Khán. Although the faithful ministers of the Crown represented the man’s unworthiness and infamy, the king regarded their honest advice as the suggestions of envy, till Khusrau Khán, plotting secretly, dared to assassinate his master and assumed the sovereignty under the title of Náṣiru’ddín. He put to death the surviving members of the family of Aláu’ddín and perpetrated the greatest cruelties. Malik Gházi who was one of Aláu’ddin’s chief nobles, defeated and slew him and with the concurrence of the nobles, ascended the throne with the title of Sulṭán Ghiyáṣu’ddín Tughlaḳ Sháh. After settling the affairs of Bengal, he returned to Delhi. His son Muḥammad Khán erected a pavilion at the distance of 3 kós from Delhi, in the space of three days and with much entreaty invited the king to enter it. The roof of the building fell in and the king perished in the ruins. Although (Ziáu’ddín) Barni* endeavours to substantiate the innocence of Muḥammad Khán, the haste with which the pavilion was erected, and the eagerness to entertain the king therein, have all the appearance of guilty design.
When Sulṭán Muḥammad died, Fíróz the son of (Sálár) Rajab his paternal uncle was, according to the will of Muḥammad, raised to the throne. He ruled with capacity and prudence and left many useful works as memorials of his reign. At his death anarchy to some extent prevailed in the empire. A faction set up his grandson (Ghiyáṣu’ddín) Tughlaḳ Sháh (II) but in a short space he was sent to his last sleep by the hands of traitors and Abu Bakr* another grandson succeeded him.
In the reign of Sulṭán Maḥmúd, the direction of affairs devolved on Mallú Khán who received the title of Iḳbál Khán, but his incapacity and ill-fortune were unequal to the burden of state guidance. Internal disorders arose. A grandson of Firóz Sháh was acknowledged by some, under the title of Naṣrat Sháh and increased the anarchy. Constant struggles took place in the vicinity of Delhi till in the year 801 A. H. (A. D. 1398) Timúr invaded the country. Sulṭán Maḥmúd fled to Gujarát and every competitor for power was crushed.
When Timúr was on his return march, he left Khizr Khán, whom he had met during this invasion, in the government of Multán and Dípálpúr. For two months Delhi was a waste. Naṣrat Sháh who had fled into the Doáb, took possession of the throne. Iḳbál Khán then marched on Delhi and seized it and the other fled to Mewát. Maḥmúd Khán now came from Gujarát and Iḳbál Khán feigned acceptance of his service. One night the Sulṭán, in desperation of his affairs departed alone to the court of Sulṭán Ibrahím of the Sharḳi dynasty (of Jaunpúr) but met with no encouragement nor assistance. He was compelled therefore to return and Iḳbál Khán now opposed him but without success, and subsequently was taken prisoner in an action against Khizr Khán and was slain. Sulṭán Maḥmúd now took possession of Delhi, and was for some time occupied in hostilities, till he was carried off by an illness, and the Khilji dynasty terminated with him.
For a short period allegiance was paid to Daulat Khán (Lodi) Kháṣah Khail, till Khizr Khán marched from Multán and took possession of Delhi. Malik Mardán Daulat Khán, one of the nobles of the Court of Sulṭán Fíróz, had adopted Sulaimán the father of Khizr Khán as his son who subsequently, in default of recognised heirs, succeeded to his government. * Khizr Khán in gratitude (to Timúr) did not* assume the regal title but styled his Court “The Sublime Standards,” and adorned the Khutbah with the name of that illustrious monarch and afterwards with that of Mírzá Sháh Rukh, but it concluded with a prayer for himself. His son Mubárak Sháh succeeded him in accordance with his will. Sulṭán Ibrahím Sharḳi and Hoshang (of Málwah) being engaged in hostilities, Mubárak intended an attack on Kálpi and the adjacent territories, but he was perfidiously set upon by a band of traitors and slain.* Muḥammad Sháh, who according to some was the son of Faríd the son of Khizr Khán, while another account makes him the son of Mubárak, was raised to the throne. Sulṭán Aláu’ddín (his son and successor) possessed no share of rectitude and abandoned himself to licentious gratification. Bahlól (Lodi) now aspired to greatness. He was the nephew of Sulṭán Sháh Lódi of the Sháhú Khél* tribe (of Afgháns). His father Bahrám in the time of Sulṭán Maḥmúd, came with five sons from the borders of Balót to Multán and subsisted with some difficulty* by traffic. Sulṭán Sháh* obtained service under Khizr Khán. He received the title of Islám Khán, and the revenues of Sirhind were assigned to him. Bahlól, the son of his nephew on his brother’s side was prospering ill in Sirhind, but was received into favour by him and adopted as a son. Bahlól was born in Multán and during the month in which his birth was expected, a beam of the house fell and killed his mother. He was extracted by the Cæsarean operation and his destiny proved fortunate. Although he allowed his sovereign (Aláu’ddín) who lived in retirement (at Badáoṇ) to retain nominal power, he boldly assumed the supreme authority.* His reign showed some capacity and his conduct was marked by intelligence and recognition of merit. He was carried off by an illness in his 80th year. It is said that he once happened to meet with a darvesh, having at the time with him but a trifling sum of money. The spiritually enlightened recluse called out, “Who will buy the kingdom of Delhi for such a sum of money?” His companions laughed in mockery at the man, but Bahlól frankly gave him all he had, and paid him reverence and eventually fulfilled the prediction.* He carried on wars with the Sharḳi kings which continued with varying successes, until he took Jaunpúr and this dynasty was overthrown. He left his son, Bárbak at Jaunpúr and returned to Delhi. As he was returning to Delhi from an expedition against Gwalior he died near the town of Saketh.* His son Nizám Khán with the concurrence of the nobles, assumed the sovereignty and was styled Sulṭán Sikandar. He ruled with sagacity and appreciation of character and transferred the capital to Agra In the year A. H. 911 (A. D. 1505), a great earthquake occurred and many lofty buildings were levelled. Sikandar was of comely person and mild disposition and popular from his liberality and open-handedness.
On his death, his son Sulṭán Ibrahím ascended the throne of Delhi and his authority was recognised as far as the confines of Jaunpúr, the nobles conferring upon Jalál Khán another son of Sikandar’s, the sovereignty of Jaunpúr. Dissensions followed between the brothers, and Jalál Khán abandoned his government and took refuge with the governor of Gwalior but meeting with no success, fled to the court of Sulṭán Maḥmúd of Málwah, and succeeding as little there, he set out for Gondwánah. There the royal partisans* seized him and carried him to the king by whom he was put to death. During his reign various chiefs revolted, such as Daryá Khán Loháni viceroy of Behár, and his son Bahádur Khán had the Khutbah read and the coin minted in his own name. Daulat Khán Lodi fled to Kabul and sought protection at the court of Baber, whom he led to the conquest of Hindustán while affairs resulted in a prosperous issue.
ABUL FAZL’S AIN-I-AKBARI
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